1 Ambiguity in the Japanese Existential Construction. Semantic ambiguity has been a very important tool not only in formal semantics but. also in formal syntax as a window into the nature of the two interrelated components of. grammar Equally important and interesting is a process of disambiguation The most. robust and well known strategy of disambiguation is contextual information A. potentially ambiguous sentence is unambiguously interpreted because the utterance. context clearly calls for a particular interpretation Our knowledge of the world also. helps to eliminate a grammatically possible but implausible meaning However. contextual information is not the only source of disambiguation There are many cases. in which an ambiguous sentence becomes unambiguous after an application of some. syntactic operation and the most obvious operation that creates disambiguation is. movement Scope interpretations are often very sensitive to syntactic positions and. movement of a scope bearing expression sometimes has the effect of disambiguation A. number of such instances have been reported crosslinguistically and they have become. very hot topics in the recent syntactic and semantic literature Perhaps not as. recognizable but nonetheless as important as scope phenomena is the disappearance of. structural ambiguity For instance the following example has two distinct. interpretations,1 Few people like visiting relatives. The phrase visiting relatives can be either sentential a gerund or an NP in which. visiting functions as a modifier Once relatives is topicalized however only the. sentential interpretation survives, 2 Relatives Tom hates visiting but friends he doesn t. This disambiguation process has a very simple explanation Movement of an NP that. strands a modifier is in general unacceptable in English 1 Thus the movement. eliminates the meaning that Tom hates relatives who visit him However not all. instances of disambiguation by movement are as simple as 2 Movements often affect. pragmatic interpretations or putting differently some movements seem to be. pragmatically motivated Then at least some disambiguation effects by movement can. be attributed to a contextual factor associated with the movement. In this paper I present a case study of a pragmatic disambiguation process by. examining semantic interpretations of the existential construction in Japanese Actually. the name existential may be a little misleading The construction which takes the. form of NP ni NP ga aru iru NP loc NP nom exist can either assert the. existence of the second NP in the location of the first NP henceforth the locative. interpretation or mean that the first NP possesses the second NP as one of its essential. parts the part whole interpretation Take 3ab for instance. The cautionary note in general is there because a modifier that can be. extraposed is spared from this generalization,3 a Kono torakku ni atarashii enzin ga aru. this truck loc new engine nom exist, Locative meaning There is an new engine in this truck possibly on its bed. Part whole meaning This truck has a new engine as one of its essential parts. b Gareezi ni doa ga hutatu aru,garage loc door nom two CL exist. Locative meaning There are two doors stored in the garage. Part whole meaning The garage has two doors two entrances. This construction is also used to express the inalienable possession 4a which is one. kind of part whole relation as well as the relational possession 4b 2. 4 a Haha ni siraga ga aru,mother loc grey hair nom exists. My mother has grey hair,b Tanaka san ni kodomo ga hitori aru iru. Tanaka honorable loc child nom one CL exist,Mrs Tanaka has one child. What is peculiar about the ambiguity exemplified in 3 is that the part whole reading. seems to disappear when the order of the two NPs is reversed 3 To our knowledge this. fact was first discussed in the generative grammatical literature by Muromatsu 1998. 5 a Atarasii enzin ga kono torakku ni aru,new engine nom this truck loc exist. Locative There is an new engine in this truck possibly on the truck s bed. Part whole This truck has a new engine as one of its essential parts. b doa ga hutatu gareezi ni aru,door nom two CL garage loc exist. Locative meaning There are two doors stored in the garage. Part whole meaning The garage has two doors two entrances. In the case of the inalienable possession and the relational possession the sentences. become odd 4, As a matter of fact this existential construction is a more commonly used form. for expressing possession than such possessive verbs as motte iru hold progressive. and syoyuu suru own do, I must warn the readers that the judgement here is rather subtle See the. discussion in 2 2 and 4 2, According to the several native speakers I consulted the Korean existential. construction exhibits the same pattern One difference seems to be that inalienable. 6 a Siraga ga haha ni aru,grey hair nom mother loc exist. My mother has grey hair,b Kodomo ga hitori Tanaka san ni aru iru. child nom one CL Tanaka honorable loc exist,Mrs Tanaka has one child. The initial impression that many native speakers have is the following The unmarked. word order of this construction is NP ni NP ga and the other order is derived by. moving the nominative NP over the locative NP Since scrambling is a very robust. phenomenon in Japanese this assumption is both intuitive and attractive If that is the. case then it is rather natural to think that the loss of the part whole reading in 5 and. the degrading of 6 should be attributed to a violation of some constraint caused by this. movement In other words this disambiguation phenomenon is one similar to the. visiting relatives case 2 that we discussed above The existing analyses of this. phenomenon namely Muromatsu 1998 and Tsujioka 2000 indeed make use of this. The main claim of this paper is that very attractive though these analyses may. seem the disambiguation in 4 is essentially pragmatic In the next section I will. quickly review the previous analyses and show that they encounter a serious problem. when the disambiguation effect disappears in embedded contexts Subsequently I will. present a pragmatic analysis based on Vallduvi s 1992 1995 theory of information. structure The disappearance of the part whole reading is due to the ill formed. information structure under such an interpretation The root embedded contrast. introduced in Section 2 is accounted for based on the information structural difference. of the ga marked subject in the two environments To support this analysis we will. discuss a variety of root embedded asymmetries that all point to the same direction. Section 4 is devoted to the discussion of disambiguation by topic marking also due to. Muromatsu 1998 and Tsujioka 2000 Although the phenomena associated with the. topic marker wa does not threaten the validity of the main proposal in Section 3 it. suggests that the notion of link topic may have to be broader than a theory like. Vallduvi s envisioned and that there is much to gain for such a theory by incorporating. some aspects of another branch of pragmatic theory which defines a topic as an implicit. question in the context,2 Disambiguation by Syntax. 2 1 Movement Analyses, possessions are more naturally expressed by the double nominative construction The. same strategy is also available in Japanese, Muromatsu 1998 the original discoverer of the disambiguation effect provides an. account that stems from structural and semantic differences between the locative and the. part whole existentials Following Hornstein Rosen and Uriagereka 1995 she. proposes that the ambiguity of NP ni NP ga aru NP loc NP nom exist. originates from different thematic structures that are shown below. 7 a Locative reading,Small Clause NP atatasii enzin PP koto torakku ni. new engine this truck loc,b Part whole reading,Small Clause NP kono torakku NP atarasii enzin. this truck new engine, In 7b the NP atarasii enzin new engine is a predicate that thematically selects its. whole kono torakku this engine She further proposes that the movement over the. locative ni phrase is the indication that the moved phrase the ga marked NP is the. subject In her analysis only referrable NPs can be subjects and predicative NPs are not. referrable Therefore the movement of the ga marked NP in the structure 7b is illegal. This is how Muromatsu derives the disambiguation effect in the NP ga NP ni word. Tsujioka 2000 provides a different account which is nonetheless based on the. structural difference between the two interpretations of the existential construction like. Muramatsu s She makes appeal to the constraint on remnant movement proposed by. M ller 1998 She also assumes along with Stockwell Schachter and Partee 1972. Vergnaud and Zubizarreta 1992 among others that the thematic structure of the part. whole reading is different from that of the locative reading The Part N selects the. Whole NP as its internal argument assigning a possessor role to it The unmarked. word order NP ni NP ga is derived via the movement of the Whole NP NP ni to. Spec of IP cf Szabolcsi 1983 This movement is considered an instance of A. movement The opposite word order comes about as a result of scrambling of the Part. NP NP ga over the Whole NP NP ni The derivation that Tsujioka proposes is. schematized in 8,8 a D Structure,NP N NP Whole ni N Part ga. b Movement of the Whole NP,IP NP Whole ni 1 NP N NP t1 N Part ga. c Movement of the Part NP,IP NP N NP t1 N Part ga 2 IP NP Whole ni 1 t2. The second movement is an instance of remnant movement since the moved Part NP in. 8c contains the trace left by the first movement and the trace is not c commanded by. the antecedent the Whole NP The crucial assumption for Tsujioka s analysis is that. Japanese is a multiple Spec language cf Grewendorf and Sabel 1999 and that the. landing site of the NP is the second Spec of IP In other words the second movement is. literally the same movement as the first Such a sequence of movements is considered. illicit under M ller s generalization,9 M ller s generalization. Remnant XPs cannot undergo Y movement if the antecedent of the unbound. trace has under undergone Y movement, Both Muromatsu s and Tsujioka s analyses nicely account for the. disambiguation degrading effects that we saw earlier In addition they make correct. predictions in other cases For instance the Part NP Whole NP word order can have. the part whole reading when the Part NP is marked for topic rather than nominative as. shown in 10,10 a Atarasii enzin wa kono torakku ni aru. new engine top this truck loc exist, Locative As for the new engine it is located in on this truck. Part whole Speaking of the a new engine this truck has it one. b Akai doa wagareezi ni aru,red door top garage loc exist. Locative meaning Speaking of the red door it is stored in the garage. Part whole meaning Speaking of the a red door the garage has it one. For Tsujioka the part whole reading survives in 10 because topicalization is not an A. movement which makes the movement of the Part NP possible Although Muromatsu. does not discuss this kind of example it is easy to imagine that her analysis can. accommodate 10 by assuming that a non referrable NP can be a topic. Focusing on the Part NP is another way to rescue the part whole reading. Consider 11,11 ROOTARII ENZIN ga F matsuda no kuruma ni aru. Rotary engine nom Mazda gen car loc exist,It is a Rotary engine that a Mazda car has. 11 is perhaps less straightforward than 10 but if a focused constituent necessarily. moves to a position other than Spec of IP e g Spec of FocP 11 should be spared. even under the Part whole interpretation In Tsujioka s analysis it is a legitimate. remnant movement Since it is generally true that a predicative NP can be focused. Muromatsu s account also predicts that 11 is grammatical. 2 2 Problems, Despite their effectiveness and broad coverage of empirical facts I believe that. neither Muramatsu s nor Tsujioka s analysis is ultimately tenable I do not have major. objections to their claims that the locative and the part whole interpretations arise from. different thematic relations that are mapped to different syntactic structures They each. offer a variety of arguments other than the two readings in the existential construction in. support of their analyses It may be said that a few ingredients of their analyses are. debatable e g the existence of focus movement and need independent support but. such an objection is only indirect My main objection is based on a very simple fact. The disambiguation effect of the NP ga NP ni word order is totally absent in. embedded contexts Here are some examples, 12 a Siito beruto ga kuruma ni aru koto wa kodomo demo sitteiru. seatbelt nom car dat exist fact top child even know. Even a child knows that a car has seatbelts,b Taabo enzin ga kumura ni are ba hassin ga hayai. turbo engine nom car loc exist if acceleration nom fast. If a the car has a turbo engine it accelerates fast. The inalienable possession and the relational possession interpretations also survive in. the NP nom NP ni order under embedding, 13 a Siraga ga sanzyuudai no hito ni at temo okasiku nai. grey hair nom 30 s gen person loc exist even if strange neg. It s no surprise if someone in his thirties has grey hair. b Kodomo ga moo hitori Tanaka san ni at i tara sigoto o. child nom more one CL Tanaka honorable loc exist if job acc. yamete iru daroo,quit prog mod, If Mrs Takaka had one more child she would have quit her job. Whether it is in a root or an embedded clause the nominative marked Part NP should. have undergone the same movement Therefore the presence of the part whole reading. in these examples is left unexplained in Tsujioka s theory that makes use of a constraint. on remnant movement Muromatsu s account fares no better The prohibition on a. predicative NP from being the subject should be equally operative in embedded. contexts Thus her analysis also makes an incorrect prediction that there should not be. any root embedded contrasts The generalization of the two readings in the existential. construction is a little more intricate than our initial impression. 14 The NP ga NP ni order does not allow the part whole reading in root contexts. unless the NP nom is focused or the nominative marker is replaced by the topic. marker wa No restriction in embedding, To add more intricacy to our current situation it is worth pointing out that the. judgment on the NP ga NP ni order is not very solid Indeed the two anonymous. reviewers for Lingua both informed me that they found the contrast between the two. word order patterns rather weak My own inclination is that the relevant contrast is. present which calls for explanation but it is not as strong as one would expect from a. violation of a typical syntactic constraint Comparison with the English visiting relatives. sentence in 1 and 2 highlights the second point There is no dispute about the. disappearance of the visiting as a modifier interpretation in 2 Now that it is fairly. clear that movement cannot be the source of the disambiguation effect an alternative. solution must be sought The key fact I believe is the root embedded asymmetry and. my proposal takes advantage of one of the best known root embedded contrasts in. Japanese namely topic marking,3 Topic Focus Structure in Japanese. 3 1 Root Embedded Contrasts of Other Kinds, It is widely acknowledged that Japanese is a language which possesses morphological. marking of topicality Amongst the numerous properties of the topic marker wa that. have been discussed by generative and traditional grammarians I list below several that. are relevant for our discussion,15 Properties of Japanese Topics. a Matrix subjects tend to be the default topics, b If something other than the matrix subject is the topic it linearly precedes the. subject If it is left in situ it gets the contrastive interpretation. c Multiple topics are not totally prohibited but rather rare except for. contrastive topics,d Embedded subjects are not topic marked 5. These properties particularly 15d have many empirical consequences some of which. take the form of root embedded contrasts For instance Kuroda 1965 observed that a. ga marked subject with an individual level predicate leads to the exhaustive. interpretation while no such effects are found with a wa marked subject in Japanese. Moreover the exhaustive reading is though available not obligatory with a stage level. Many native speakers share the judgement that topic marking in embedded. clauses is not bad if the embedded clauses are complement CPs of attitude verbs In. contrast topic marking within other embedded clauses such as relative clauses is. significantly worse This contrast is not so surprising if one believes in the quotation. theory of attitude verbs If an embedded sentence is really an embedded quotation the. information structure might well survive under embedding. predicate These contrasts are exemplified by the following examples. 16 Individual level predicate,a John ga zurugasikoi. John nom sly, Exhaustive reading Of all the people relevant in the context it is John who is. b John wa zurugasikoi,John top sly,Neutral reading Speaking of John he is sly. 17 Stage level predicate,John ga ki ta,John nom come past. Neutral reading There was an event of John s arrival. Exhaustive reading Of all the people relevant in the context it is John who. arrived possible when the subject is stressed, As discussed extensively in Heycock 1994 this contrast between the two types of. predicates disappears with embedding,18 a Individual level predicate. Erika wa CP John ga zurugasikoi to omo ttei ru,Erika top John nom sly Comp think prog pres. Erika thinks that John is smart Neutral reading,b Stage level predicate. Erika wa CP John ga ki ta to omo ttei ru,Erika top John nom come past Comp think prog pres. Erika thinks that John came Neutral reading, The obligatory exhaustive interpretation disappears in 18a making no contrast with. the stage level predicate example 18b, Another instance of root embedded contrasts is the in definiteness effect In. general Japanese does not morphologically mark definiteness of NPs in the same way. as English does and bare NPs such as kodomo child can be either definite or. indefinite depending on the utterance context As Kuno 1973 among others notes. however topic marking and its lack thereof has an impact on the in definiteness For. instance consider the following mini discourse, 19 Kinoo uti no mise ni okyaku ga inu o turete yattek ita Inu ga wa. yesterday my store loc customer nom dog acc with come past dog nom top. akai tyokki o kis se rare tei ta,red vest acc wear cause pass prog past. Yesterday a customer came to our store with a dog The dog was wearing a red. Topicality is known to presuppose familiarity and the topic marking in the second. sentence of 19 is appropriate because inu dog has been mentioned in the first. sentence The infelicity of the nominative marking suggests that when we have a choice. of topic marking the nominative option is reserved for expressing new information. This indefinite requirement for a nominative subject is suspended when it occurs in an. embedded sentence, 20 Kinoo uti no mise ni okyaku ga inu o turete yattek ita Inu ga akai. yesterday my store loc customer nom dog acc with come past dog nom red. tyokki o kis se rare tei ta,warat te simatta, vest acc wear cause pass prog past because laugh perf past. Yesterday a customer came to our store with a dog Because the dog was. wearing a red vest I couldn t help laughing, Unlike a nominative subject in a root clause the embedded subject inu ga dog nom is. successfully understood to be the dog that came with the customer. Most recently Lee and Tomioka 2000 and Tomioka to appear note that what. have come to be known as an LF intervention effect cf Hoji 1985 Beck 1996 Beck. and Kim 1997 Tanaka 1997 among many others disappears or significantly weakens in. embedded contexts LF intervention effects show up when certain quantifiers c. command wh phrases at S structure as exemplified in 21a The same relative. configuration does not cause a problem when the sentence is embedded as shown in. 21 a Daremo ga nani o yon da no,everyone nom what acc read past Q. What did everyone read Tomioka 2004 2a, b Kimi wa CP daremo ga nani o yon da to omotteiru no. you top everyone nom what acc read past comp think Q. What do you think that everyone read Tomioka 2004 8a. Tomioka attributes this contrast to the anti topical nature of an intervener like daremo. everyone noting that potential interveners cannot be combined with the topic marker. wa i e daremo wa everyone top The question 21a requires that the non wh. portion of the sentence be confined within the background presupposition but daremo. ga cannot belong to the background by virtue of being a topic This property is. cancelled in the embedded contexts because such a anti topical requirement is lifted. The generalization that emerges from the root embedded contrasts we saw above. is that nominative subjects must obey extra interpretive constraints that stem from their. focalized nature e g exhaustiveness novelty and anti topicality when they could. have been marked for the topic marker wa but are not Topic marking is much more. limited to embedded subjects and as a result those interpretive constraints do not apply. to embedded nominative subjects Putting it slightly differently nominative subjects. show aggressively non topic properties when they appear in positions in which they. could have been topic marked Essentially this is the generalization that Heycock. 1994 and Tomioka to appear reached I would like to suggest that the disambiguation. of the existential construction and the lack of disambiguation in embedded contexts. belong to this larger class of root embedded asymmetries that stem from information. structural differences of the topic marking,3 2 Theoretical Background. The information structure theory that I adopt in this paper is Vallduv 1992 1995 s. Information Packaging theory It was developed from several different traditions of. Topic Focus pragmatics such as Chafe 1976 and Prince 1986 Information. Packaging is about the correlations between the organization of sentences and what. speakers assume hearers know at the time of utterance In Vallduv s system a sentence. is partitioned into two major parts a focus and a ground and a ground is further divided. into a link and a tail Roughly speaking a focus corresponds to a syntactic constituent. which is interpreted as new information in the sentence Old information or information. easily recoverable from the utterance context via accommodation is confined within the. constituent that corresponds to a ground Of the two types of grounds a link connects an. utterance with the previous context by setting up a theme of the utterance and a tail is. the non link part of a ground More formally speaking each part of the information. structure comes with its own File Change Semantic instruction cf Heim 1982 Chapter. 3 A link points to a file card which is about to be updated whereas focus contains the. information to be newly added to the file card that the link corresponds to A tail often. represents the information already put down on existing cards or the information that. can be easily inferred Following Heycock 1994 and Portner and Yabushita 1998 I. assume that a topic marked phrase in Japanese is a link in the information component. The constituent that is the most prominent prosodically or some constituent which. dominates such a constituent is considered focus The remaining part of a ground is a. tail although I will rarely make reference to tails in this paper. 3 3 Information Structure of the Existential Construction in Root Clauses. In this section I will show how information structure can make an impact on the. semantic interpretations of the existential construction Let us begin with the. un ambiguity in root contexts Consider 22,22 Kono torakku ni atarashii enzin ga aru. this truck loc new engine nom exist, Locative meaning There is an new engine in this truck possibly on its bed. Part whole meaning The a truck has an engine as one of its essential parts. It is not entirely obvious what kind of information structure 22 can have In particular. the lack of overt topic marking in it makes it more difficult than usual to determine. which constituent corresponds to the link of the sentence One possibility is that the NP. ni NP loc is the link Although the topic marker wa is absent it can be considered as. a result of the topic marker drop a phenomenon quite prevalent in Japanese True case. particles such as ga nom and o acc must be entirely replaced by wa and once the. topic marker drop applies the result is an NP with no particle More postposition like. particles including the locative ni co appear with wa Therefore the topic marker. drop makes the NP look as if nothing had happened The following table illustrates this. 23 Paradigm of Topic Marking,Type of Particle Topic Marking Topic Marker Drop. ga nom o acc Ken ga o wa Ken,ni loc dat Ken ni wa Ken ni. kara from Ken kara wa Ken kara, Then the information structure of 22 can be 24 which is compatible with either the. locative or the part whole reading as the two paraphrases show although I find the. second interpretation the more salient of the two 6. Wa drop is quite common when the topic is definite e g a proper name a. demonstrative but the topic marker drop is not very good with a bare common noun. The generalization seems to be that the more specific the NP is the better the topic. marker drop becomes,i Wa drop with the subject,a Hayashi san wa atama ii yo. Hayashi honor top smart part,Mr Ms Hayahi is smart. b Saru wa atama ii yo,monkey top smart part,Monkeys are smart. c Kono syu no saru wa atama ii yo,this kind gen moneky top smart part. This kind of monkey is smart,d Ano doobutuen no saru wa atama ii yo. that zoo gen monkey top smart part,The monkeys in that zoo are smart. 24 kono torakku ni wa LINK atarasii enzin ga aru FOCUS. this truck loc top new engine nom exist, Locative meaning Speaking of this truck there is an new engine located on it. or Part whole meaning Speaking of this truck it has a new engine. Alternatively we may regard the predicate part of the sentence enzin ga aru as. the link and the NP ni as the focus as illustrated in 25. 25 KONO TORAKKU NI FOCUS atarasii enzin ga aru LINK. this truck loc new engine nom exist,Locative meaning A new engine is in THIS TRUCK. Part whole meaning THIS TRUCK has a new engine, 25 is modeled after Heycock s 1994 analysis of the exhaustivity inducing. nominative subject and Matsuda s 1997 analysis of a similar phenomenon Under this. analysis we depart from the assumption that there is a bi conditional correspondence. between the morphological topic marking and the linkhood 7 In effect 25 is. The behavior of locative phrases without wa matches this pattern Hajime Hoji pc. suggested that we make the Part phrases Wh phrases so that the locative phrases are. most likely understood to be Topics,ii Wa drop with the locative. a Saru ni wa donna sippo ga aru no,monkey loc top what kind of tail nom exist Q. What kind of tail does a monkey have,b Kono syu no saru ni wa donna sippo ga aru no. this kind gen monkey loc top what kind of tail nom exist Q. What kind of tail does this type of monkey have, c Ano doobutuen no saru ni wa donna sippo ga aru no. that zoo gen monkey loc top what kind of tail nom exist Q. What kinds of tails do the monkeys in that zoo have. This analysis is by no means uncontroversial Matsuda herself argues against it in her. later work Matsuda 2003 She argues that the analysis would treat ia and ib. information structurally identical the examples are taken from Heycock to appear. i a Isya wa Hiromi da,Doctor top Hiromi Cop,The doctor is Hiromi. b Hiromi ga isya da,Hiromi nom doctor cop,HIROMI is the doctor. information structurally analogous to the cleft like structure 26 in which the predicate. part is overtly topicalized, 26 atarasii enzin ga aru no wa LINK kono torakku ni da FOCUS. new engine nom exist nominal top this truck loc copula. Locative meaning It is on this truck that a new engine is located. Part whole meaning It is this truck that has a new engine. As the two translations suggest this information structure is also compatible with both. The third possibility is that none of the overt constituents corresponds to a link. In Vallduvi s system focus is the only required element and 22 can be an instance of. all focus A similar idea can be found in Selkirk s 1984 theory of focus projection. in which focus represented as F feature can percolate all the way up to the IP level. However this seemingly link less sentence can have an alternative information. structure There may be a phonologically null element which functions as the link of the. sentence One candidate is a situation argument or Davidsonian eventuality argument. e g Gundel 1977 Erteschik Shir 1997 Heycock 1994 among others 8 9 27. illustrates such a possibility, 27 e eventuality LINK kono torakku ni atarasii enzin ga aru FOCUS. this truck loc top new engine nom exist, What interpretation does 27 lead to An eventuality argument comes with a certain. restriction In Kratzer 1995 it is argued that an eventuality or spatio temporal. argument in Kratzer s term argument is present only with a stage level predicate The. If someone says I know that the nurse is Ayako but the doctor you can answer to. her by ia but not ib Therefore the two sentences seem to have different information. structures Heycock to appear challenges to this criticism and points out that the. differences between ia and ib persist in embedded contexts where topic marking is. not an issue See Heycock to appear section 3 3 for detailed discussion. Although Vallduv himself does not explicitly discuss eventuality links he claims that. information is updated on a default situation file card when there is no overt link e g. Vallduv 1995 pp 125 3c, One reviewer wonders whether this analysis can be made compatible with Kuroda s. 1992 Chapter 1 notion of thetic judgement or the lack of any judgment of a wa. less sentence If a link is an indispensable ingredient in a sentence and a link is likened. to the subject of a categorical judgment as Kuroda claims then one could suppose that. there are no pure thetic judgment sentences at least at the matrix level This may. appear to be a radical departure of Kuroda s analysis but we need to be aware that his. notion is essentially static and still leaves some room for dynamic re interpretation of it. Perhaps the admission of a null sentential topic as discussed in Section 4 is. unavoidable even for a theory like Kuroda s However proper treatment of such matters. in connection to Kuroda s judgment theory is beyond the scope of the current project. locative reading involves stage level predication since the location of something. changes over time whereas the part whole relation is more or less permanent In other. words an eventuality argument is present in 22 only when it is interpreted to have the. locative meaning Therefore the information structure shown in 27 is compatible with. the locative reading only There may be more possible information structures for 22. but one thing has become clear There are at least two reasonable candidates that are. compatible with either the locative or the part whole reading It is not surprising. therefore that native speakers judge the NP ni NP ga order to be ambiguous. Let us now move on to the other word order Consider 28. 28 Atarasii enzin ga kono torakku ni aru 2,new engine nom this truck loc exist. Locative There is a new engine in this truck possibly on its bed. Part whole This truck has a new engine as one of its essential parts. The nominative marked NP cannot be the link for an obvious reason it is not topic. marked It cannot be considered as a result of the wa drop either since if it were the. NP would surface as a bare NP see the paradigm 23 10 Indeed if the NP atarasii. enzin a the new engine is topic marked it remains ambiguous as we have seen in. 10a in the previous section Can the locative NP be a link then It is unlikely since. the locative NP is not sentence initial One possibility is to make atarasii enzin ga the. focus and the rest the link as in 29, 29 ATARASII ENZIN GA FOCUS kono torakku ni aru LINK. new engine nom this truck loc exist, Locative It is a new engine that is located in this truck or. Part whole It is a new engine that this truck has as its essential part. This information structure is compatible with either interpretation which is in. accordance with the fact we have seen earlier i e the example 11 The NP ga NP ni. can have the part whole interpretation if the NP ga is focused The information. structure 29 provides such a focus interpretation In addition to 29 30 can also be a. legitimate information structure for 28 in which the implicit eventuality argument is. When the part NP is bare the sentence is predicted to remain ambiguous This. prediction is borne out as exemplified in the example below. i hyooban ni natte iru atarasii enzin kono torakku ni aru yo. reputation dat become prog new engine this truck loc exist particle. Locative Speaking of the new engine that everyone is talking about there is. one located on this truck, Part whole Speaking of the new engine that everyone is talking about this.
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